The two-factor analysis on discrimination really cuts through the noise. What strikes me is how the white discrimination axis creates such a clean separation betwen Reform and everyone else. It's not just that they're conservative on culture, its that they've built an entirely different frame for understanding discrimination itself. That gap beween Reform managers scoring almost an eight on white discrimination versus ethnic minorities barely hitting two points tells you everything about the worldview driving their politics. Curious whether this atitude crystallized during Brexit or if it predates it.
Fascinating. Is the same sort of data available over a decent timespan? I can't help wondering whether these Reform-supporting outliers were always there (in such numbers) and in Reform have now found a home, or whether over recent years they've been encouraged to hold and given permission to share what are newly-held opinions?
The two-factor analysis on discrimination really cuts through the noise. What strikes me is how the white discrimination axis creates such a clean separation betwen Reform and everyone else. It's not just that they're conservative on culture, its that they've built an entirely different frame for understanding discrimination itself. That gap beween Reform managers scoring almost an eight on white discrimination versus ethnic minorities barely hitting two points tells you everything about the worldview driving their politics. Curious whether this atitude crystallized during Brexit or if it predates it.
Fascinating. Is the same sort of data available over a decent timespan? I can't help wondering whether these Reform-supporting outliers were always there (in such numbers) and in Reform have now found a home, or whether over recent years they've been encouraged to hold and given permission to share what are newly-held opinions?